Why does nobody claim Bir Tawil? The strange border dispute between Egypt and Sudan
Egypt and Sudan both claim the Halaib Triangle on the Red Sea, yet neither includes neighboring Bir Tawil within its preferred borders. The apparent contradiction comes from two competing boundary lines: a political boundary established in 1899 and an administrative adjustment made in 1902.
Each government favors the line that gives it Halaib. Under either interpretation, Bir Tawil falls to the other country. The desert territory's unusual status follows from that larger dispute, rather than from a treaty deliberately setting aside land for nobody.

The Geography of Two Conflicting Borders
The international frontier between Egypt and Sudan extends across the eastern Sahara, connecting the Libyan border in the west with the Red Sea in the east. Much of this boundary follows the 22nd parallel north, an imaginary line of latitude that runs across the desert without regard to mountains, valleys or traditional patterns of settlement. For most of its length, the straight boundary creates little geographical confusion. The problem arises near the eastern end, where another historical line departs from the parallel and follows a more irregular course.
The larger is the Halaib Triangle, also written Hala'ib or Halayeb. It lies north of the 22nd parallel and extends toward the Red Sea. Covering roughly 20,000 square kilometers, depending on the precise area definition used, it contains settlements including Halaib and Abu Ramad, coastal areas, mountains and important grazing lands. The smaller territory is Bir Tawil, situated southwest of the Halaib Triangle. Unlike Halaib, Bir Tawil has no coastline, major town or permanent urban population. Its landscape consists primarily of dry mountains, rocky plains and desert valleys.
If the original straight boundary established in 1899 is used, Halaib belongs to Egypt and Bir Tawil belongs to Sudan. If the administrative boundary established in 1902 is treated as the international frontier, the territorial positions are reversed: Halaib belongs to Sudan and Bir Tawil belongs to Egypt. The Egyptian government maintains that the 1899 line determines sovereignty. Sudan argues that the later administrative boundary should be recognized. Both positions therefore produce a claim to Halaib, but neither produces a claim to Bir Tawil.

British Egypt and the Conquest of Sudan
During the early nineteenth century, Muhammad Ali, the Ottoman governor of Egypt, established a powerful and largely autonomous state. His forces conquered substantial territories in Sudan beginning in 1820, incorporating the Nile Valley and surrounding regions into an Egyptian-controlled administration. Although Egypt remained formally connected to the Ottoman Empire, its rulers exercised considerable independence in practice. Their southern territories were governed through an administrative and military structure centered on the Nile.
Egyptian authority over Sudan was challenged during the 1880s by the Mahdist movement. Led initially by Muhammad Ahmad, who proclaimed himself the Mahdi, the movement established a state that defeated Egyptian forces and eventually captured Khartoum in 1885. Meanwhile, Britain had occupied Egypt in 1882, establishing effective control over Egyptian government policy while preserving much of its formal political structure. British officials increasingly viewed Sudan as strategically important. Control of the upper Nile was connected with security concerns, imperial communications and competition with other European powers expanding into northeastern Africa. During the late 1890s, Anglo-Egyptian forces under Herbert Kitchener reconquered Sudan. The Battle of Omdurman in September 1898 marked the decisive defeat of the principal Mahdist army.
Britain did not establish Sudan as an ordinary British colony. Instead, it created a system formally known as the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium, under which Britain and Egypt exercised joint authority over Sudan. In practice, British officials dominated much of the administration. Nevertheless, the arrangement preserved a formal Egyptian connection with Sudan.
The 1899 Agreement and the Straight Line Across the Desert
On 19 January 1899, Britain and Egypt signed an agreement concerning the administration of Sudan. The agreement defined Sudan, for its purposes, as the territories south of the 22nd parallel north. This established a simple geographical distinction between Egypt to the north and Anglo-Egyptian Sudan to the south. The choice of a parallel of latitude reflected a common practice in nineteenth-century imperial boundary-making. European officials frequently used straight lines when dividing sparsely surveyed regions, particularly where they believed that natural boundaries were difficult to establish. Such lines appeared convenient because they could be described through astronomical coordinates rather than lengthy references to individual settlements or geographical features.
However, a mathematically precise boundary was not necessarily a practical administrative one. The eastern Sahara was inhabited and used by communities whose patterns of movement did not conform to a straight line drawn across a map. Pastoral groups traveled between wells, seasonal grazing areas and commercial settlements, often crossing large distances according to environmental conditions. The territory around the Egypt–Sudan frontier was particularly important to communities associated with the Beja peoples and neighboring pastoral populations. The Ababda maintained extensive connections with southern Egypt and the desert regions around Aswan. The Bisharin, also known as Bishari or Bishareen, possessed important territorial relationships with the eastern desert and the Red Sea region, including lands extending across the 22nd parallel.
A straight border could divide grazing territories traditionally used by the same communities, placing their wells and seasonal routes under different administrative authorities. British and Egyptian officials soon recognized that the 1899 boundary did not correspond conveniently with the social geography of the region. Rather than completely renegotiating the political boundary, they introduced administrative adjustments intended to simplify local governance.
The 1902 Administrative Boundary That Changed Everything
In 1902, Egyptian and British-controlled authorities established a modified administrative boundary in the eastern part of the Egypt–Sudan frontier. The new arrangements were intended to place particular communities and their associated lands under the administrations with which they maintained stronger practical connections. An order issued in July 1902 and a subsequent decree in November established the relevant administrative adjustments.
The territory now known as the Halaib Triangle, located north of the 22nd parallel, was placed under the administration of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. This reflected the historical relationships of Bisharin communities with the Sudanese side of the frontier. The smaller territory of Bir Tawil, south of the parallel, was assigned to Egyptian administration because of its connections with Ababda pastoral communities operating from the Egyptian side. The resulting administrative boundary did not follow the original straight line. Instead, it deviated northward around Halaib and southward around Bir Tawil.
At the time, the distinction between a political boundary and an administrative boundary may have appeared manageable. Sudan was not an independent sovereign state; it was governed through an unusual imperial arrangement in which Egypt and Britain exercised formal and practical authority. The adjustments could therefore be understood as changes in local administration without necessarily determining international sovereignty.
The 1902 line placed settlements, communities and administrative institutions within Sudanese jurisdiction even though some of the territory lay north of the original 1899 boundary. Over subsequent decades, these administrative practices became established facts of local governance. Sudanese officials exercised authority in the Halaib area, and its inhabitants developed political and institutional relationships with the Sudanese administration.
The 1899 line possessed the authority of the original Anglo-Egyptian agreement defining Sudan's northern limit. The 1902 line reflected subsequent administrative practice and the actual governance of particular territories.
Independence in 1956 and the Beginning of the Territorial Dispute
Sudan became an independent state on 1 January 1956, ending the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. Independence transformed the meaning of the former administrative boundaries. The line separating Egypt from Sudan was no longer merely a distinction between different jurisdictions within a British-dominated political arrangement. It now divided two sovereign countries.
Egypt argued that the Anglo-Egyptian Agreement of 1899 had established the territorial boundary along the 22nd parallel. According to this interpretation, the 1902 adjustments were administrative arrangements that had not transferred sovereignty over the lands concerned. Sudan advanced a different argument. Its government maintained that the territory inherited at independence included the areas historically administered as part of Sudan, particularly the Halaib region. Sudan therefore regarded the 1902 administrative line and the subsequent exercise of authority as important foundations of its territorial claim.
Sudanese authorities planned to conduct parliamentary elections that included the disputed territory. Egypt objected, asserting that the lands north of the 22nd parallel belonged to Egypt. Egyptian forces entered the area during the confrontation, while Sudan protested and brought the issue before the United Nations Security Council. Nevertheless, the confrontation subsided without a definitive territorial settlement. Egyptian forces withdrew from the immediate confrontation, but the competing claims remained unresolved.
For several decades, the dispute was managed through a combination of diplomatic negotiation, local administrative arrangements and periods of relative restraint. Bir Tawil remained less prominent because neither government sought to establish sovereignty over it under the boundary interpretation each preferred.
Why Egypt Controls Halaib but Neither Country Claims Bir Tawil
The Halaib dispute became more intense during the early 1990s, when the possibility of offshore oil exploration increased the economic significance of the Red Sea coast. Sudan granted exploration rights involving waters associated with the disputed region, and Egypt objected to arrangements that it regarded as incompatible with Egyptian sovereignty. The conflict developed amid wider political tensions between the two governments. In June 1995, an assassination attempt against Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak took place in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Egypt accused Sudanese authorities of involvement, an allegation that further damaged bilateral relations.
Egypt subsequently strengthened its military and administrative presence in the Halaib area. By 2000, Sudanese forces had withdrawn from the disputed territory, leaving Egypt in effective control. Since then, Egypt has administered the Halaib Triangle as part of its national territory. Egyptian authorities provide government services, maintain security institutions and exercise practical jurisdiction over the region. Sudan, however, has not abandoned its sovereignty claim. The dispute therefore remains unresolved under international law, despite Egypt's effective administration.
Bir Tawil possesses no comparable coastline, major settlement or immediate maritime resources. It is a remote desert area with limited infrastructure and no permanent town.
Most importantly, claiming Bir Tawil would create a legal contradiction for either country. Egypt argues that the 1899 boundary is valid. Under that line, Bir Tawil lies in Sudan. An Egyptian claim to Bir Tawil based on the 1902 boundary would undermine Egypt's argument that the earlier straight line determines sovereignty over Halaib. Sudan faces the opposite problem. Its claim to Halaib depends on recognizing the 1902 boundary, which places Bir Tawil under Egyptian administration. Claiming Bir Tawil through the 1899 line would weaken the argument for Sudanese sovereignty over Halaib.
This has led to Bir Tawil frequently being described as terra nullius, a Latin expression meaning land belonging to no sovereign state. However, the description requires care. The fact that neither neighboring government currently asserts sovereignty over a territory does not automatically settle every possible legal question concerning its status. Historical treaty rights, administrative arrangements and the distinction between sovereignty and effective control make the situation more complicated than the popular expression suggests.
Could Someone Establish a New Country in Bir Tawil?
Several people have traveled to the territory, planted flags or announced the creation of self-proclaimed political entities. These activities have occasionally received considerable media coverage because Bir Tawil appears to offer a rare example of land that no recognized country claims. One widely publicized attempt occurred in 2014, when an American visitor proclaimed the territory the Kingdom of North Sudan as part of a personal symbolic project. Other visitors have subsequently made similar declarations, sometimes presenting themselves as rulers of newly established countries. However, none of these projects has resulted in the creation of an internationally recognized state.
Planting a flag on a piece of land does not automatically establish sovereignty under international law. Statehood involves far more complicated questions concerning population, government, territorial authority and the capacity to maintain international relations. The absence of a formal Egyptian or Sudanese claim also does not mean that the territory is freely available for private appropriation. Bir Tawil is geographically isolated, difficult to reach and connected to surrounding territories through desert routes used by local communities. Access often requires crossing territory controlled by Egypt or Sudan, and activities in the region may be affected by security restrictions and the practical authority of neighboring states.
The historical relationship of Indigenous and local pastoral communities with the area further complicates the idea that the territory is simply empty land. The Ababda and other communities have used desert landscapes for grazing, travel and trade over long periods. Such patterns of land use are not necessarily visible through permanent settlements or modern administrative infrastructure. Descriptions of Bir Tawil as uninhabited must therefore be distinguished from claims that it has no human history or territorial relationships.
Why This Border Remains One of the World's Most Unusual
A settlement over Halaib would also have to clarify the position of Bir Tawil. Egypt continues to administer Halaib, while Sudan maintains its claim; the lack of competing claims to Bir Tawil has not resolved their disagreement over the boundary itself.
For that reason, a map labeling Bir Tawil as simply “unclaimed” leaves out the central issue. Its status depends on two governments defending incompatible versions of the same frontier, and on the consequences each version has for the more valuable coastal territory.
Sources
- Sudan–Egypt Boundary, International Boundary Study No. 18 (1962)U.S. Department of State, archived by Florida State University College of Law
The 1899 political boundary and the later administrative boundary adjustments. PDF.
- Sudan: Toponymic FactfileUK Permanent Committee on Geographical Names
Official cartographic guidance distinguishing the competing boundaries and disputed areas. PDF.
- Navigating Terra Nullius: The Ababda and the Case for Indigenous Land Rights in Bir TawilUniversity of Central Lancashire research repository
Research questioning simplistic claims of empty land and examining Ababda land rights.
- Montage space: Borderlands, micronations, terra nullius, and the imperialism of the geographical imaginationJames Riding and Carl T. Dahlman, Dialogues in Human Geography (2022)
A critical examination of micronation claims and the idea of terra nullius.
- The Egypt-Sudan Border: A Story of Unfulfilled PromiseXCEPT research programme (2020)
The historical boundary dispute and its implications for border communities. PDF.





